Posts Tagged ‘PDAF’

The 4 PDAF Scam “Napoles Lists” compared here

May 26, 2014 Leave a comment

the “Honor Roll” or “Dishonor Roll” of the philippine senate?

(pics source :

some points:

  • the most recent janet napoles “long list” for the PDAF scam has 20 names, closer to the PDI List which had 25 names
  • napoles added 8 additional names, the “long lisy” now having 20 names compared to the short list that she gave SOJ de lima which had 12 names on it
  • the following 9 names (in green text) appear in all 4 lists : ap cayetano, bong revilla, honasan, jinggoy estrada, enrile, koko pimentel and barbers.
  • the ping lacson list has 10 names with 9 appearing 4 times and 1 appearing 3 times



MANILA, Philippines – Twenty Senators, 100 congressmen, and all of their agents in the pork barrel transactions were named in the affidavit of Janet Lim Napoles submitted to the Senate Blue Ribbon Committee Monday.

“To the extent of my knowledge, the following are the Senators, Congressmen and their agents and the officials or staff of implementing agencies of government that had connections with me and received part of the pork barrel,” Napoles said in her affidavit.

read in full here :
20 senators, 100 congressmen named on Napoles’ long list

compare the 3 PDAF Scam senators list : Napoles, PDI and Lacson Lists

May 15, 2014 Leave a comment


  • the “janet napoles list” comes from the document SOJ leila de lima submitted to the senate blue ribbon committee.
  • “the PDI (philippine daily inquirer) list” is a list PDI made based on the benhur luy’s computer hard disk. PDI made a copy of the contents of the hard disk.
  • the “pin lacson list” according to lacson came from jimmy napoles, the husband of janet.
  • nine (9) names appear in all 3 lists : cayetano, revilla, honasan, estrada, enrile, pimentel, legarda, villar and barbers
  • three (3) names appear on 2 lists out of 3 : escudero, ejercito and sotto
  • nine (9) names belong to 4 families : loi, JV, jinggoy – estrada family; bong and ramon sr – revilla family; cynthia and manny – villar family; koko and aquilino – pimentel family
  • comparing the ping lacson and janet napoles lists, there are 2 names missing from the lacson list – JV ejercito and tito sotto.  lacson reportedly got his list from the husband of janet napoles, presumably given by janet napoles.

PDAF Scam List

the Benhur Luy List on the PDAF Scam

May 14, 2014 1 comment


in the Benhur Luy List :

  1. Manny Villar
  2. Cynthia Villar
  3. Ralph Recto
  4. Koko Pimentel
  5. Aquilino Pimentel
  6. Tito Sotto
  7. Miriam Defensor Santiago
  8. Bongbong Marcos
  9. Jun Magsaysay
  10. Loren Legarda
  11. Lito Lapid
  12. Bong Revilla
  13. Ramon Revilla Sr
  14. Robert Jaworski
  15. Greg Honasan
  16. Loi Estrada
  17. JV Ejercito
  18. Frank Drilon
  19. Alan Peter Cayetano
  20. Rodolfo Biazon
  21. Jinggoy Estrada
  22. Robert Barbers
  23. Tessie Aquino-Oreta
  24. Juan Ponce Enrile
  25. Edgardo Angara

the families in the list :

Estrada Family – Loi, JV, Jinggoy
Revilla Family – Ramon Sr., Bong Jr.
Pimentel Family – Aquilino, Koko
Villar Family – Manny, Cynthia







25 senators on Luy list

Estrada, Revilla, Enrile biggest pork beneficiaries



Third of a series


MANILA, Philippines—The names of 25 past and present senators are in the digital files of whistle-blower Benhur Luy detailing transactions Janet Lim-Napoles made from 2002 to 2012—a period during which she channeled congressional Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) allocations to ghost projects and kickbacks.


The entries were made upon the instruction of Napoles to Luy, who was then her finance officer. The files were copied by the Inquirer from a hard disk drive (HDD) that Luy’s parents handed over during a visit to its newsroom last year to ask for help in exposing the alleged plunder of state funds by Napoles and her highly placed clients.


Luy said his parents did not know the explosive contents of the disk drive.


The files showed that the funds were from projects for members of the Commission on Appointments, the minority bloc in the House of Representatives of 2003, the Department of Transportation and Communications (DOTC), savings from the Department of Agriculture, Department of Agrarian Reforms, allocation for the Senate President Pro Tempore, majority floor leader, and for budget insertions.


The records showed that 15 incumbent senators had transactions with Napoles: Juan Ponce Enrile, Ramon Revilla Jr., Jinggoy Estrada, Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos, Vicente “Tito” Sotto, Miriam Defensor-Santiago, Gringo Honasan, Loren Legarda, Aquilino Pimentel III, Manuel “Lito” Lapid, Cynthia Villar, JV Ejercito, Franklin Drilon, Ralph Recto and Alan Peter Cayetano.


Also in the records were the names of former Senators Edgardo Angara, Manny Villar, Tessie Oreta, Nene Pimentel, Rodolfo Biazon, Robert Jaworski, Robert Barbers, Loi Estrada, Ramon Magsaysay and Ramon Revilla Sr.


Luy’s records also showed that Enrile, Revilla and Estrada were Napoles’ longtime clients.


Enrile is on record as having used P683 million from 2004 to 2012. But this is still an incomplete figure. The Inquirer still has to complete checking Luy’s records on Enrile’s total PDAF disbursements to Napoles NGOs.


Revilla used a total of P1.2 billion, again a figure that is still incomplete as the Inquirer continues to check the Luy files.


Estrada tops them all at P1.6 billion, which is still an incomplete figure as the Inquirer continues its examination of the records.


Apart from being regular clients of Napoles since 2004, the three senators were also the biggest contributors to the pork barrel funded projects who repeatedly funneled billions of funds to her bogus nongovernment organizations (NGOs). They received at least 50 percent in kickbacks of each project, the files showed.


First senator-client


Lapid was the first senator to become a client of Napoles. He was then governor of Pampanga. At that time, he received a total of P1,132,500 total cash advance—in US dollars and pesos—on Dec. 20, 2002, March 23, 2003, and May 7, 2003.


The first transaction with Lapid, according to the records, was P500,000 on Dec. 20, 2005, with the remarks “given at the Manila Hotel.”


In another deal, described as a Commission on Appointment project under the Department of Agriculture, Region 3, but realigned to Guagua, Pampanga, Lapid allocated P5 million and received a “rebate” of P2 million representing 40 percent of the project, the records showed.


Cayetano returned money


Luy’s records showed that Cayetano allocated P3 million of his PDAF while he was the Taguig-Pateros representative in 2003 intended for communication supply with the DOTC as implementing agency.


The records also showed a cash advance of P639,625 was received by “VLL,” but other details in the records showed that P500,000 of the amount was returned by Cayetano to JLN, Napoles’ company. Luy in earlier interviews with the Inquirer said Cayetano declined to enter into transactions with Napoles.


Santiago in a letter dated Sept. 5, 2005, and addressed to a Dennis Araullo, regional executive director of the Department of Agriculture, allocated P5 million to Cabadbaran, Agusan del Norte, for financial assistance to coffee growers under ASA-no. 101-2005-315 dated June 14, 2005.


Santiago’s rebate


On the same date, under Voucher No. 09-4780,  Zenaida Ducut also received “cash bonus from Sen. Miriam Defensor P10 m project DA savings .05 the amount of P100 thousand.”


On the Sept. 30, 2005, entry of Luy’s financial records, under the heading JLN cash/ check disbursement, showed that Ducut, the current Energy Regulatory Commission chair, received the rebate in behalf of Santiago.


“Full payment received charged from (Santiago) DA savings the amount of P2.5 million under voucher 09-4779,” the records indicated.


Marcos, a first-term senator allocated P360 million of his PDAF in 2011 and 2012 covered by 10 special allocation release orders (Saros) through the government-owned National Livelihood Development Corp. (NLDC) as the implementing agency and designated local government units (LGUSs) as conduits to the Napoles organizations.


Sotto, senator from 1992 to 2004 and who returned for another term in 2010, also funneled from 2010 to 2012 P228 million of his pork barrel funds to Napoles NGOs through the NLDC and selected LGUs. Sotto also repeatedly assigned the same towns and cities as recipients of his PDAF from 2010 to 2012 with Napoles NGOs as beneficiaries under 12 Saros.


Legarda, a senator from 1998 to 2004 and again in 2007, also allocated P200 million of her PDAF in 2010, 2011 and 2012 to NLDC, LGU and Napoles’s NGOs as beneficiaries. Legarda’s allocations were covered by eight Saros.


Honasan channeled P107 million of his PDAF to Napoles groups twice, through the NLDC on Sept, 18, 2009 and to the DA on April 1, 2008.


‘For Gringo Honasan’


On Oct. 22, 2009, another Luy document stated that P1.750 million was transferred to an account of JLN Corp. at the Metrobank Ortigas branch “for Gringo Honasan.”


Sen. Cynthia Villar supposedly received P500,000 as kickback allocated for members of the House minority bloc in 2003 with the DOTC as the implementing agency and Jo-Chris Trading as the link to Napoles.


JV Ejercito allocated P5 million through the Department of Interior and Local government when he was still San Juan representative in 2011, the records showed.


Also on the file was a letter supposedly from Recto dated Aug. 30, 2010, for Agrarian Reform Secretary Virgilio de los Reyes in which he requested  P10 million for agrarian reform projects nationwide. No other record on Recto appears in Luy’s files.


In one of Luy’s records under the CA-DA 2005 allocations, Drilon was listed to have been allocated P5 million as head of the Commission on Appointments.


One of the letters in Luy’s files showed that Drilon wrote to budget Secretary Florencio Abad on Nov. 22, 2011, and requested for P100-million financial assistance, to be coursed through the DAR secretary. But according to Luy, speaking through his lawyer, Raji Mendoza, “the letter was drafted but no transactions took place, as far as his recollection” was concerned.


An April 3, 2007, entry in Luy’s records showed that Angara allocated P50 million of his PDAF in 2007 to 10 municipalities in Mindanao as beneficiaries.


Senator Manny Villar in 2003 with his allocation from the Congressional Initiatives Funds and the DOTC as the implementing agency procured equipment supplied by Jo-Chris Trading, owned by Napoles.


Pimentel’s cash advances


In 2003 and 2004, then Sen. Nene Pimentel allegedly funneled his PDAF to Napoles organizations and received cash advances of totaling P7.6 million in cash and checks all received by a Mon Arcenas between Sept. 9, 2003 and Nov. 6, 2003. The entry also showed that a delivery of a check “was at the Senate.”


Oreta, in 2003, allocated P45 million to various soft projects and received P10,890.00 as “cash advance received by Caloy and Johnny,” but Luy’s record showed that she returned the money. The entry also stated that a balance of P1 million was to be returned by Brian Yamsuan, Oreta’s chief of staff, and the project would be completed by another contractor.


Oreta also was included in the list of lawmakers in the DOTC project allocation of P4.5 million.


Biazon, now Muntinlupa Representative, allocated P92 million of his PDAF in 2004 and 2008 using various agents under implementing agencies Technology Resource Center and the DA based on cash releases records of Luy.


Former Sen. Loi Ejercito was also among the lawmakers who allocated the most number of pork barrel projects to Napoles’ NGOs between 2004 and 2008 using P285 million of taxpayers’ money.


Jaworksi in 2003 and 2004 allocated P29.l25 million of his PDAF to Napoles NGOs through LGUs in Mindanao and also to the DOTC.


Magsaysay allocated P4 million to two provinces in 2004-2005 through the Napoles organizations.


Revilla Sr. allocated P169.07 million of his PDAF in projects “nationwide” in 2003 and 2004. His cash advances were in manager’s check and cash received by a Rowena Mendiola. Other cash advances were given by Napoles herself, the records showed.


Barbers, who died in 2005, allocated P89 million of his PDAF in 2003 and 2004 in a “nationwide” project. His cash advances were received by a “Canda” and an “Atty. Laloy.”—With Inquirer Research


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abolish the PDAF, cleanse the tarnished soul of the nation

October 30, 2013 Leave a comment

the pork barreal scam or the PDAF scam has taken a large portion of the country’s attention in the past months. since it was first published as headline news on the front pages of Philippine Daily Inquirer (PDI), it has stayed and not left the consciousness of the nation.

if at all, it the issue has even grown from just the PDAF to now the DAP which while very different from each other, the DAP has taken the same sinister image of the PDAF.

corruption has once again become the number 1 issue among the people and the PDAF is the one and only poster boy for it, the DAP following closely.

the pork barrel in all its forms, in all its systems in whatever set of letters it gets resurrected into should be abolished :

1. The PDAF is a duplication of what line agencies and LGUs (local government units) are mandated to do. Line agencies like the DSWD (social welfare), DOH (health) and DPWH (public works) and others perform the same function as what the PDAF funds are “claimed” to be used for. LGUs are the elected local officials like the governor, mayor and barangay officials who are primarily responsible for day to day life in the barangays.

The PDAF are spent on the same projects and programs that line agencies and LGUs already have or are supposed to do.


2. The legislative branch of the government, House of Representatives (congressmen) and the Senate (senators) have a specific role as mandated by the constitution – they write the laws of the land, not perform the function of the line agencies and LGUs. It is the reason why they are called “lawmakers” or legislators, not government agency or local government executives.

Some legislators defend the PDAF on the basis of them “representing” their specific constituents and therefore are in a better position to know what the needs of their localities.

That thinking is infirm in two points – the lawmakers are the representatives of their localities in lawmaking, not in daily life improvements and needs which the line agencies and the LGUs perform on a daily basis.

The LGUs who actually live and serve right in the localities of the barangays are better if not as fully equipped as the lawmakers are in knowing what is needed by the constituents.


3. The PDAF institutes and nurtures the padrino system or the politics of patronage between the president of the country and the lawmakers. The control and disbursement of the PDAF has several gatekeepers. The first gatekeeper is the president who through the DBM allocates the amounts among the lawmakers and approves the projects which the PDAF fund will pay for. This system makes the lawmakers beholden to the president for his PDAF. The lawmaker may feel the need to please the president if not not go against the president and bend his principles on questions of legislation so that the president will return the favor and release his PDAF. The lawmaker might vote in favor of legislation not on its merits but just so to buy favor from the president. In fact some legislators have admitted as much on it where it apparently was rampant during the arroyo administration.

The president may also use the release of the PDAF as a bargaining chip to force lawmakers to go his way. This in fact has been one of the rumors during the impeachment trial of the Supreme Court chief justice where lawmakers who were not supportive of the impeachment charged their PDAF was being put on hold or its release delayed by the president.

4. The same padrino system and politics of patronage is also being instituted and nurtured between the lawmakers and voters. Unfortunately, it has been a habit of Pinoy voters to ask money from their lawmakers for their emergency needs like money for sickness or death for example. The lawmaker who gives them the money expects that the voter to whom he gives his money to will vote for him in the next election. At the same time, to ensure getting the money, the voter who receives the money promises to vote for the lawmaker.

We often here voters admit that they vote for a certain candidate and also campaign for the candidate among his/her friends and relatives because the specific congressman has “helped” him with his financial emergencies.

When this happens, the voter votes for the candidate not for his skills or record but because he was given money by the candidate.


5. Lawmakers have used the PDAF like their own re-election campaign fund. The PDAF is taxpayers money but the lawmakers have used it like it is their personal fund that they can use in any which way they want to, including getting them reelected.

Epal politics, where elected officials put their names and faces on ambulances, waiting sheds and buildings evolved from the PDAF. Epal politics make it appear that these came from them, like they spent their own money on them while in truth these are from their PDAF which are taxpayers money.


6. As shown in the most recent pork barrel scam that is occupying the minds of the nation, the PDAF is the petri dish for corruption. It has been used by the lawmakers to amass wealth for themselves with the help of a citizen like Janet Napoles.

Based on news reports, the money stolen by the lawmakers and Napoles is at minimum P10B! and this is just the initial report. there should be more to be revealed.

People see the PDAF is cancer itself that has invaded the pinoy soul. While most of us are not involved in it nor are the beneficiaries of it, we see it now as affecting our lives in a very major and negative way. It is very painful to hear our government leaders talk or complain about not having enough funds to hire more competent people to do the work, for facilities and equipment in government hospitals, or not enough bridges and roads and many other things lacking  and yet now we know at least P10B of taxpayers’ money may have been siphoned off to the pockets of lawmakers and individuals.

We see more than corruption here, we also see grave injustice, the type that tarnishes the soul of the nation. To cleanse it, the PDAF needs to be abolished. maybe starting from a clean zero state will help us rebuild our souls.


bel-air barangay captain nene lichauco charged on Bel-Air Scam corruption

October 14, 2013 Leave a comment

Letter addressed to Ms. Constancia “Nene” Lichauco , Chairwoman Barangay Bel-Air

Via Aurora Pijuan

Dear Ms. Constancia “Nene” Lichauco
Barangay Bel-Air

We believe you will be running for the Chairmanship of Barangay Bel-Air again. It is fair to expect that you will run on a platform of governance that is not only efficient but one of TRANSPARENTCY AND ACCOUNTABILITY. Indeed, it is only then that you invest the Chairmanship with the trust it deserves.

We, your constituents, are proud of our Barangay being among the wealthiest villages. Our annual budget approaches P200 million, derived from our share in Real Property Taxes (RPT), clearances, IRA, Community Tax Certificate (CTC) payments and other miscellaneous sources such as interest from investments and payment of IDs.

You will then understand why our Barangay affairs and interests concern us.

Of late, we had been bothered by the Manila Times three-article series written by Assignments Editor, Joel M. Sy Egco, posted at (August 28, 2013, 11:00 pm).

Those articles said that criminal and administrative cases have been filed against you and other respondents for having allegedly committed various acts involving millions of Barangay funds that violated:

1. RA 3019 (Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act) Sec. 3 (e) by giving undue advantage to Two Chefs “through evident bad faith, manifest partiality or, at the very least, through gross inexcusable negligence.

2. Revised Penal Code, Article 171, paragraph 4 (falsification by public officer/employee by making untruthful statements in a narration of facts) when you issued the Price Canvass reports, Abstract of Canvass and Award, Purchase request “which showed that a personal canvass was conducted for the purpose of securing a service contract when in fact there was none.”

3. Revised Penal Code, Article 171, paragraph 4 “when she signed the service contract stating that she is authorized to act in behalf of the barangay when in fact there is no showing from the records that she is indeed authorized.”

4. RA 3019 (Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act) Sec. 3 (h), which prohibits officials from “directly or indirectly having financial or pecuniary interest in any business, contract or transaction in connection with which he intervenes or takes part in his official capacity, or in which he is prohibited by the Constitution or by any law from having any interest.”

We cannot help but wonder at the veracity of these articles as they seem to have been based on the findings of the Commission on Audit (COA) branch in Makati City and of Associate Graft Investigative Officer 3 Janice O. Baltazar of the Ombudsman’s Field Investigation Office (FIO), which have been extensively quoted.

Associate Graft Investigative Officer 3 Janice O. Baltazar was even quoted as saying the respondents, including you, “could be liable for serious dishonesty, grave misconduct, falsification of official document and conduct prejudicial to the best interest of the service under the rules of the Civil Service Commission.”

It was also disturbing to read from the articles that the favoured food provider that had been doing business with our Barangay officials for years, Two Chefs Corp., ‘was’ owned by your daughter-in-law, Patricia Warren. Perhaps it still is?

The articles have it that Two Chefs Corp. was SEC-registered “in October 1996, with a capital stock of only P10,000” and “the Lichaucos are listed as the original incorporators. Four of them —Francisco Jr., Ma. Theresa, German and Ma. Liza—have the same home address, 17 Aquarius St., Bel-Air” the same address as yours, we believe.

The articles also suggest — and the COA & Ombudsman seem to support it — that the services offered by your daughter-in-law’s Two Chefs Corporation “were more expensive, if not more blatantly illegal, since the money used to pay the contracts came from your own discretionary funds.” In particular, the articles say, the “bulk of the discretionary fund that was released to the barangay chieftain would represent payment to Two Chefs Corp. in the amount of P404,560” as shown in the “Summary of Expenses for the month of April & May 2003” which you yourself supposedly “noted”, apparently in reference to “several meetings of the Pasinaya committee, dancers, choir and rehearsals between April 4 and May 25.”

The articles also pointed the following:

“ …a Land Bank check for P547 million and bearing account number 000052-1309-05 was issued to “CONSTANCIA Q. LICHAUCO.”

The article also said that what is odd in this transaction is that under the “Summary of Expenses for the month of April & May 2003” that was approved by Lindo and “noted” by Lichauco herself, bulk of the discretionary fund that was released to the barangay chieftain would represent payment to Two Chefs Corp. in the amount of P404,560.

Moreover, the article claims, you allegedly paid Two Chefs ( Patricia Warren Lichauco) P280T for a “fake Assembly,” to wit:

“Fake assembly

On December 28, 2006, Lichauco again requested the approval of ROA No. 00-61-376 representing payment of P280,000 to Two Chefs for “foods served on official activities.”

Finally, did you really allow “flying” voters to cast their ballots in your precinct? The Manila Times articles claim that “another set of documents shows that 42 other people are listed as residents in Lichauco’s house on 17 Aquarius Street, Bel-Air.” All the names are listed in the article, including that of Roberto Orendain Gaa, a priest. If you were surpirsed to learn about this, as a governemnt ofificial, what did you do about it?

And how true is it that even our Barangay Hall at 40 Solar Street serves as the registered home address to 30 other voters? Since when was the barangay office a residence? The articles also have a list of their names.

We would appreciate hearing the truth from you. We wish you no ill will, but we wish these concerns to be addressed so that our votes would not be frustrated. And they will be frustrated if we re-elect you, only to see you removed by the Courts for violating the Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act and The Revised Penal Code.

Thank you.

You Barangay Bel-Air Constituents

source :


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Barangay Bel-Air corruption? P45M “direct & negotiated” contracts, 53% of budget

October 10, 2013 1 comment

MOVE LIKE JAGGER. Legendary “Travel Time” host Susan Calo-Medina and Bel-Air Barangay Captain Nene Lichauco showed members of the younger generation the proper way to dance the iconic hip gyrations of rock god Mick Jagger during the recent Pasinaya 2012’s festivities. Maroon 5’s “Move Like Jagger” was one of the many songs performed. Ariel Reyes/CONTRIBUTED PHOTO

Bel-Air: P45M for ‘direct’, ‘negotiated’ contracts

August 30, 2013 9:27 pm

by Joel M. Sy Egco Assignments Edito

Citing Bel-Air again as an example, the Times’ own computation showed that a barangay could spend more money in contracts that skip the required bidding process.

A 15-page Annual Procurement Plan of Barangay Bel-Air which was prepared by Janny Pacleb, supply officer, and recommended for approval by Roswinda Bautista, treasurer, showed that from January to December 2013, village officials lined up 165 budget items.

The procurement plan, a copy of which was obtained by the Times, has a total cost of P85.8 million for the entire year.

Like other villages, Bel-Air applies four modes of procurement, namely: direct or negotiated contract, “shopping,” bidding and cash advance.

The 165 line items are broken down into the following: direct or negotiated contract, 52 items; shopping, 73; bidding, 33; and cash advance, 7.

The Times found that Bel-Air’s procurement through direct or negotiated contract totaled P45 million, or 53 percent of its P85.8 million budget.

Procurement through regular bidding only accounts for P31 million, or roughly 36 percent of the total appropriation.

“Shopping” items account for only 8 percent of the budget at P6 million. Items to be procured through cash advances made up only one percent of total.

Included in the projects for “bidding” is the P1.4 million for “Catering Services.”

Another interesting entry under the “food” item is the P744,000 budget for “meal allowance of Police” also referred to as “Barkadahan.”

It was not immediately known if Two Chefs had won the bidding for the catering services and meal provisions for policemen this year.

Other big ticket items in Bel-Air’s procurement plan include P1.4 million for Pasinaya; P10 million for garbage collection; P4.6 million for the installation of closed circuit television cameras; and P3 million for asphalting.

All these budget items were to undergo the bidding process.

Flying voters?

In the past elections, the village chairman was suspected of having allowed “flying” voters to cast their ballots in Lichauco’s precinct.

Another set of documents shows that 43 people are listed as residents in Lichauco’s house on 17 Aquarius Street, Bel-Air.

Even the parish priest of Saint Andrew, Roberto Orendain Gaa, is listed as a resident at the same address.

Moreover, it was learned that the building which houses the barangay hall—40 Solar Street— serves as home to 30 voters.

Records indicate that 42 other people live at Lichauco’s home address.

Under “clusters 116, 117 and 118,” the following are listed as residents of 17 Aquarius: Virginia Junio, Edilberto Murillo, Jaquelyn Ortiz, Leonardo Paguinto, Antonio Sambayan, Dexter Serdena, Francis Anthony Warren, Albino Pallino, Mildred Warren, Ma. Analyn Sambayan, Roberto Gaa, Danilo Saragoza, July Jcee Ortiz, Whilmar Allas, Irishmae Flores, Lorenzo Malatag, Reyjilin Melgar, Rhea Melgar, Sonny Nazario,Jcee Ann Ortiz, Cheryl Pingoy, Anthony Sambayan, Celedonia Sambayan, Junamae Vidal, Ardine Adriano, Kristine Bobis, Efigenia Sangco, Danilo Canta, Neriza Doria, Reynaldo Junio, Violeta Castro, Rosalie Garcia, Mergyl Caing, Merlita Emejas, Maricar Barte, Percival Baldonado, Giovani Bautista Jr., Melba Dumlao, Elenita Francisco, Vicente Francisco III, Juliet Odas, and Elmer Callada.

On the other hand, 40 Solar Street, which is a part of the village hall, has 30 residents: Leonardo Bayonito, Felipe Aquino, Antonio Cabral, Elemer Canta, Peter Comaya, Fermly Condez, Armando Dungca, Eden Faderogao, Alejandro jalandoni, Renato Saltat, Ronaldo Santos, Elmer Callada, Elaine Flores, Wilfredo Juntoria, Emelita Rufin, Salvador Baquiran, Sir Henry Carumay II, Jimmy Celoso, Josephine Marquez, Mark Anthony regalado, Danilo Vivit, Felicito berry Jr., Carlo Cabido, Regie Cahilig, Fortunato Fortuno, Francisco Pedragosa, Loida Salas, Renalyn Salazar and Lea Villanueva.

Bel-Air, whose budget comes to about P200 million annually, is definitely among the wealthiest of villages. But the issues involving its officials are common among other problematic villages in the country.

Like any other barangay, its funds come from Real Property Tax (RPT) payments, while the sources of income include clearances, IRA, Community Tax Certificate (CTC) payments and other miscellaneous sources such as interest from investments and payment of IDs.

The share of Barangay Bel-Air from the property tax makes up 30 percent of the barangay’s RPT. Half of the amount goes to Barangay Bel-Air while the other half is distributed equally among the other villages in the city.

Barangay share in the city’s IRA constitute 20 percent and each share is allocated on the basis of the following formula: population – 60 percentand equal sharing – 40 percent.

Ten percent of the barangay’s general fund goes to the Sangguniang Kabataan.

But by being among the richest and most affluent, this gated village serves as proof of how prone to abuse the IRA system is, in the same manner that the pork barrel has gained notoriety.

But public funds are not naturally “evil.” People are, driven by what researchers say are shared “feelings of entitlement and inattention to the consequences of one’s actions on others” that may play into their moral decisions.

In the end, it may indeed be both statistically and morally correct to believe that, like what experts say, poor people may be less likely to cheat because they are more dependent on their community at large.

belair manila times 2

photo source :

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Barangay Bel-Air Makati Corruption – fake assemblies & payments to family members of barangay captain nene lichauco

October 9, 2013 1 comment

Barangay Bel-Air chairman used ‘pork’ to pay favored caterer

August 29, 2013 10:21 pm


 Second of Three Parts

What graft investigator Janice O. Baltazar failed to discover was that Two Chefs, the food firm that cornered contracts from Barangay Bel-Air in Makati City, had been doing business with barangay officials for years. In fact, before the questionable catering deal worth P116,900 was discovered and became the basis for charges against barangay officials, the food contracts given to Two Chefs, which was owned by the daughter-in-law of village chief Constancia “Nene” Lichauco, were more expensive, if not more blatantly illegal, since the money used to pay the contracts came from Lichauco’s own discretionary funds.

Records from the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) show that the company was registered in October 1996 with a capital stock of only P10,000. The Lichaucos are listed as the original incorporators. Four of them —Francisco Jr., Ma. Theresa, German and Ma. Liza—have the same home address, 17 Aquarius St., Bel-Air.

The village chief lives in the same address.

Patricia Warren, Lichauco’s daughter-in-law, gave her address as Antipolo Street, Guadalupe Nuevo also in Makati.

Order slips bearing the logo of Two Chefs were all signed by Patricia using the

barangay bel-air barangay chairman nene lichauco

surname Warren to conceal her links to her mother-in-law. The Manila Times was able to get copies of several order slips.

A certificate of creditable tax and another certificate of final tax for the period May 1 to 31, 2007 bore the name and signature of the barangay chairman as representative of payor and Two Chefs as payee.

‘Indiscretionary’ fund

On August 12, 2003, Lichauco requested P550,721.08 released as “payment for the discretionary (sic) of bgy. Captain for the month of April & May 2003” under Request for Obligation and Appropriations (ROA) No. 03-08-018 signed by Lichauco, Ignacio Macrohon, former chairman of the committee of canvass and Zoilo Lindo, former barangay treasurer.

The following day, a Disbursement Voucher (DV 2003-0819) was issued authorizing the “withdrawal from LBP account as payment for the discretionary of barangay Captain for the month of April and May 2003, as per attached supporting documents in the amount of—Referenced with RO No. 03-08-018.” The account was recorded as “payables, barangay obligations.”

Subsequently, a Land Bank check for P547 million and bearing account number 000052-1309-05 was issued to “CONSTANCIA Q. LICHAUCO.”

What is odd in this transaction is that under the “Summary of Expenses for the month of April & May 2003” that was approved by Lindo and “noted” by Lichauco herself, bulk of the discretionary fund that was released to the barangay chieftain would represent payment to Two Chefs Corp. in the amount of P404,560.

The document indicated that the payment covers food delivered for several meetings of the Pasinaya committee, dancers, choir and rehearsals between April 4 and May 25.

Fake assembly
On December 28, 2006, Lichauco again requested the approval of ROA No. 00-61-376 representing payment of P280,000 to Two Chefs for “foods served on official activities.”

The Disbursement Voucher (DV No. 2006-1342) issued and dated on the same day, gave the following particulars: “Withdrawal from LBP account as payment for the food served during yearend barangay assembly, in the amount of—Referenced with ROA No. 00-61-376.”

As proof of payment, Two Chefs Corporation issued official receipt (OR) No. 886 dated January 5, 2007, or eight days from when the request for payment was made by Lichauco. The OR indicated that the payment was for “yearend bgy assembly.”

Another Two Chefs receipt, OR No. 909 dated June 5, 2007 also in possession of the Times, shows that the barangay paid P109,593.75 for “Bands for Fiesta.”

For purposes of comparison, a Disbursement Voucher dated “11/26/10” released during the time of former Barangay Captain Victor Gomez Jr. indicated that Bel-Air only paid P7,500 to La Classica Catering Services for “food served during barangay assembly on November 23, 2010.”

A Development Bank of the Philippines check (35457000) dated November 26, 2010 was issued to the caterer.

Illegal church donation
Interestingly, a Subsidiary Ledger under the account of “Donations” bearing Fund Code 878 also shows that Bel-Air debited P168,000 to Two Chefs.

The same ledger shows that the barangay donated P300,000 to St. Andrew the Apostle Parish as “financial assistance” on March 14, 2007.

Under the principle of the separation of the Church and the State, the government is not allowed to make such a huge donation.

Besides, under COA rules, a barangay “cannot appropriate public money or property for religious or private purposes.”

The following amounts were also donated to various entities:

– P1.3 million to Excelsion Trading for various items for donation to various non government organizations (Sept. 19, 2007);

– P400,000 to Bel-Air Village Association Bingo for a cause (October 17, 2007);

– P100,000 to Sonny Arevalo- financial assistance for poor families of St. Martin day Care Center (Nov. 21, 20070;

– P189,035 to Classera Enterprises- purchase of gifts for indigents (Dec. 28, 2007).

(To be continued)

photo source :

belair manila times 4

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